|Appeal To The League Of Nations|
June 30, 1936
|I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my
people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that
aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties.
There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no
precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by
abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government
proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the
most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against
innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for
its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this
supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.
I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have just been
inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified
It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives
of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to
them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia.
It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attacked
populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them.
At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombs of
tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had
rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels
of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected
only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the
population of the danger.
It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the
Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to
the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast
areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one
another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the
end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched
continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order the
more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and
over again. That was its chief method of warfare.
|Ravage and Terror
|The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the most densely
populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The
object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory.
These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that fell from the
aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned
water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the
victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the tortures
inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva.
None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations the
undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained
without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself
to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the
doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.
Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years
past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all
my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of
good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the
Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext
whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on
which civilized nations have based international order.
|Country More United
|In its report of October 5th 1935, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results
that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst
giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and
independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in
Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is
more united and the central power is better obeyed.
I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been
put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred up revolt and armed the
rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to
prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not
sincere; their only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Government asserts
that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that
when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded
the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving
the whole world.
The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security
which would enable it to achieve further progress along the pacific path of reform on which it had
set its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart.
|The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation
was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of
the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and
Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered that the European
situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The to the greed of the
Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the Covenant, has
exerted a great influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered
and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences.
This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its
policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the
concerted pressure which was perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian
The time had to come; thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a view to breaking
up the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of
that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators
amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal was set up pressure was exercised so that
an award favourable to Italy should be given.
All this was in vain: the arbitrators – two of whom were Italian officials – were forced to recognize
unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international
responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia.
|Following on this award, the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly
relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Rome Government.
The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935,
of the details of the events which occurred after the month of December, 1934, and up to October
It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report (Nos. 24, 25 and 26) “The
Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on
September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia’s first appeal to the Council had been made on December
14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the
consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure
was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period,
moreover, the dispatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops
were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defence of its
colonies menaced by Ethiopia’s preparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the
official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt “as to the hostile
intentions of the Italian Government.”
From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful
means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to
keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government
assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the
decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be
dealt with by the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course.
It asked the Council to dispatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon
which the Council might decide.
Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbitration, however, the Italian Government
submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It
asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant.
It stated that, “since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian
security and civilization” it “would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and
for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may
become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests.”
|Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen. The Council and the Assembly
unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and
was in a state of aggression.
I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should
struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the
defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.
In October, 1935, the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the
aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to
ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence.
I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months
ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they
had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft,
artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be
impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be successfully
opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation
for war, and that is the case with certain small countries in Europe.
When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people,
during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed
an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was
given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and
|Forced to Mobilize
|On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only I decreed
general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great
country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so
as to remove any pretext of provocation.
War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly. In that
unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants,
having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited
quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people of twelve
million inhabitants, without arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own
cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the
fifty-two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and
had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was
its duty to do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the
aggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my
hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed by the repeated
declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force
would end by being compelled to bow before right.
In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of
hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to
dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the
Italian Government and the League of Nations, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to
my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people
and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are
threatened with aggression.
|What of Promises?
|What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted with grief,
but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as
absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures
whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound disappointment
to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous
attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as
any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised
in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January,
1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?
The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers’ blood to
defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian
warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial
assistance for the purchase of arms. That assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then,
in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security?
The Ethiopian Government’s use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice
hampered as regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment
this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of
neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even
neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the League the duty not to remain a
neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant
been respected? Is it today being respected?
Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers,
amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has
succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue the
application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the
Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine
Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by
I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a
question of the settlement of Italian aggression.
|It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that
each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that
their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the
equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon small Powers to accept
the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures
appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and
immediate interest involved?
No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I
submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with
extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to
speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule
of equality as between all States Members of the League?
Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any
other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak
people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its
judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.
|I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their
object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally
inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of
stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and
requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible
to apply whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to
two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the
Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit
resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the
initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in
practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was
about to attempt a supreme effort in the defence of my people before this Assembly, does not this
initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and
guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States
Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty
to guide the action of the League?
Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to set up the
terrible precedent of bowing before force?
Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the refom of the Covenant and for
rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform?
What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international
morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant.
On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I request the Assembly to
take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the
violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the
whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before
force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the
triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant.
I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their
resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who
have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that
they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia. I ask what measures do you intend to take?
Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of
the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?
|Haile Selassie the First - June 30, 1936|