Under such circumstances, can any member of society be expected to go out of his way to help his neighbor? Can any individual be
expected, ultimately, to put his family (in the broadest interpretation of the word) ahead of himself; or to see himself as a
functioning and important part of a society which embraces differences in ethnicity, language, religion, and yet which still strives
toward a common goal?
Today, in Ethiopia, we see a policy being implemented by those in control of the administrative apparatus of the country, of
“divide and rule”. Pride in Ethiopianness is discouraged; the Empire is nothing but a collection of self-interested small states
working without regard to their neighbors. Amharas are no longer expected to look out for the interests of the Oromo; the Oromo
are not expected to care about the fate of the Tigreans; the Gojjam are no longer expected to care about the fate of their onetime
brothers in Wollo; the Kaffa must forget the Sidamo. And so on.
Why is this? Is this “progress” disguised as “self-determination”? In a world increasingly dominated by global languages, global
economic trends, and seamlessly integrated communications, can we expect that the life of a Guraghe-speaking child will be better
because someone said: “Your own language is the source of all pride, and all attempts at working with your kinsmen across a
nearby border are worthless”? Of course not.
Why is this happening? I will tell you. It is because politicians wish to retain power regardless of the fact that they cannot inspire
the many and richly-varied people of the great Ethiopian empire to support a common dream. These politicians represent a
fraction of six percent of the population of Ethiopia. They did not come to power in the name of Ethiopia; they came to power in
the name of Tigré. And I do not disparage their belief that Tigré has rights; that Tigré is something special in Ethiopia. But I do not
agree that in order for a Tigréan group to govern Ethiopia they must do so by merely dividing the country so that their minority
rule cannot be challenged. This is not leadership. This is the belief that if a big picture is good, then we would all be better off
cutting that big picture into little pieces and each scuttling off to our respective corners with a small piece of paint on canvas,
wondering eventually what it meant.
Let me harken to our history, for history is the one thing which a 3,000-year-old Ethiopian monarchy knows well. The Monarchy
has learned from history. And we would all do well to continue to learn from history, so as to avoid repetition of its mistakes, and
to see that we, the monarchy, like all institutions, must adapt to reflect the societies we represent.
The Age of the Princes — Zemene Mesafint — from 1780 to 1855 saw Ethiopia agonize through an era when our respective states
struggled along, warring with each other, without the benefit of cooperation, without the benefit of a united front to present to the
world; indeed, without the ability to even interact with the outside world. There was little or no progress. If there was no great
challenge, apart from the constant fear of attack, there was also no universal uplifting of hope, no rising economic wellbeing. And
Ethiopia slept while the world prospered and grew. We had retrogressed from the glory of the Axumite period, to the point where
we were little better off than Dinqinesh, who walked with her fellows in the Rift Valley some three-million years ago.
It was Emperor Tewodoros II — Theodore II — who again embraced the concept of national unity within the context of the
Empire. Tewoderos ultimately moved to his disastrous confrontation with Britain, and culminating with his — and Ethiopia’s —
defeat at the Battle of Magdàla on April 13, 1868.
Tewoderos’ reign, which had been imposed by arbitrary, brutal and in many ways divisive policies, was at least a step toward
reviving the consensus that Ethiopia was and would always be a structure which embraced the various states within an Empire,
however unfashionable that word is today. [As an aside, it is worth mentioning that under this same definition, the United States
is also an Empire of component states.] But Tewoderos’ reign was followed by a four-year interregnum and reversion to
internecine warfare with states each seeking their own fortunes. Ethiopia, in such a fractured state, was ripe for foreign
exploitation, in many ways as it is today: weak, divided, and grasping for the currency of survival, which is being meted out on the
terms of the outside world.
It is no wonder that in the early 1870s, the European powers were already considering that Ethiopia was a no-man’s land, ready
for conquest. And it was this situation, this vacuum, which led to the Treaty of Berlin a short time later granting Italy the “right” to
annex Ethiopia. But that was after a period of weakness had already allowed Italy to make incursions into Eritrea, on its own
terms, and had allowed Sudan’s Mahdist leadership to believe that war could successfully be waged against the new Emperor of
Ethiopia, Yohannes IV.
You are all familiar with this history, and how Emperor Yohannes came to power after the nation had descended once again into
internecine warfare. He inherited a state which was, and increasingly became, beset by outside forces who rightly perceived the
fact that this small collection of dis-united states had no ability to act in their common good. Johannes was unable to inspire a
sense of Ethiopian unity, and Ethiopia was unready for the war against Mahdist Sudan. Ultimate attempts to switch from support
for the British against Sudan to create a common Sudan-Ethiopia front against the Europeans were spurned by the Mahdists in
1888, and by 1889, the Mahdists had killed Yohannes in battle; the last crowned head of a major state to die in combat.
But his death and life had been an attempt to overcome a legacy of disunity; and the goal of Ethiopian unity as the only means of
protecting the lifestyles of Ethiopia’s people was now clearly established. It took Menelik, by now Negus of Shoa, to come to the
Imperial Throne with the ability to create unity, and thereby create wealth: enough wealth for the country to withstand foreign
pressures; enough wealth to start the process of real evolutionary societal and economic progress and wellbeing.
So I ask you today: Can Ethiopia survive as a single nation-state if it lacks a leadership which will inspire unity? And even if
Ethiopia in the absence of unifying leadership is fortunate enough to escape the physical depredations of further secession or
irridentist actions or invasion, can it in any event prosper? Will freedom be served? Will the interests of the people be served? And
will we as a people, historically given the gift of a union and a special identity for millennia, fail in our destiny? Will we fail our
children and our children’s children?
What, then, can the Crown of Ethiopia now do for its people after all of our suffering?
The Crown’s period of inactivity is over.
The Crown’s period of silence and retreat is over.
My Uncle, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Amha Selassie, is dead, but he carried the Crown and kept it alive in the dreadful years
after the death of his father and my grandfather, Emperor Haile Selassie, of blessed memory. But Emperor Amha Selassie was ill
even before the coup which overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie. He remained in poor health until the end of his life, and had little in
the way of resources and physical capability to lead the counter-attack against those who have destroyed much of our country.
The Crown wishes to offer no empty gestures. Henceforth, we work only toward meaningful actions, under which the Crown
begins again to offer protection and inspiration and hope to our people. What the Crown can offer right now is this:
Firstly, it can offer an impartial symbol of national unity to all Ethiopians. The Crown is not the crown of only one or two groups of
Ethiopians. Although the Crown has long and traditional ties with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, it is nonetheless the Crown of
Ethiopians of all religions, favoring none above another, nor one ethnic or national or linguistic group above another;
Secondly, the Crown offers the symbol of national dignity and respect. The actions of Emperors Menelik and Haile Selassie
brought international attention and acclaim to our nation in a most positive way. The actions of Mengistu and others like him
brought our international reputation into distaste, and the perception of our leaders into the perspective of being self-serving,
power-hungry tyrants. We should remember that because of the actions of Menelik and Haile Selassie, Ethiopia represents the
best of all African aspirations. Today, although only acting as President of the Crown Council, and a Crown Council in exile at that,
I have been humbled and honored to have been received warmly by more than a dozen heads of state and heads of government
over the past year, since my Uncle’s death. These leaders have expressed the hope that the Ethiopian Crown remains a symbol for
all Africans and those of African descent.
It is my hope that the Crown can provide a source of protection to Ethiopian refugees who have been scattered around the world
in a diaspora unprecedented in our history. We have already secured attention and help for Ethiopian refugees in some African
countries based on the fact that the Crown’s representative has had access to and influence with the leaders of these host
Thirdly, we wish to offer Ethiopians within our country the fact that the Crown, which first introduced our society to modern
advances during the Menelik and Haile Selassie eras, continues to evolve with the times. And in this context we want to provide an
umbrella under which true multi-party democracy can function, with the Crown acting as the symbolic and effective guarantor of
the Constitution of the people’s choice. The Crown must be above day-to-day politics, and must offer the long-term leadership
which establishes the framework of society, the freedom for peoples to accord each other respect and cooperation, and therefore
progress. The Crown must ensure that the forces of law and order are not subject to political mis-use.
Stalin who, unchecked, butchered 60-million of his own people and left his country open to invasion by another monster, Adolf
Hitler, once asked, when cautioned about the power of the Church: “How many divisions does the Pope have?”
Today, it can be asked: “How many divisions are in the Army of the Crown?”
The Crown is Ethiopia, and its divisions, therefore, are all the people of Ethiopia. But these legions do not serve the interests of the
Crown. The interests of the Crown are the people of Ethiopia.
|H.I.H Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie Life Summary|
|Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie (born on 14 June 1960 in Addis Ababa) is the only son of Prince Sahle Selassie of Ethiopia and |
Princess Mahisente Habte Mariam. He is the grandson of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, and furthermore of DejazmachHabte
Mariam Gebre-Igziabiher, the heir to the former Welega kingdom of Leqa Naqamte, and later served as governor of Welega
province. Currently the prince is ninth in the line of succession to the vacant imperial throne.
Prince Ermias was educated in Ethiopia, Great Britain, and the United States. In England, he received his education at Old Ride
Preparatory School, and then at Haileybury College. He obtained a BA degree in the social studies, with an emphasis in economics,
from the University of California, in Santa Barbara. He continued his education at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
between 1983 and 1985. Prince Ermias is fluent in Amharic, English and German.
Prince Ermias was first married on 9 June 1989 to Woizero Gelila Fesseha, daughter of Afe-Negus Fesseha Gabre-Selassie, a
former Lord Chief Justice of Ethiopia, and by her is the father of twin sons:
Prince Sahle-Selassie Ermias (known as Christian). Born on 20 February 1992.
Prince Fesseha Zion Ermias (known as Rufael). Born on 20 February 1992.
Prince Ermias and his first wife later divorced in July 2004. On 25 February 2011, Prince Ermias married Woizero Saba Kebede.
The Prince and his wife live in the Metro Washington DC area.
Prince Ermias currently serves as the President of the Crown Council of Ethiopia in exile. The Crown Council has pursued a
mission devoted to the promoting a cultural and humanitarian role. Prince Ermias is also patron of the Haile Selassie Fund for
Children in Need which continues to sponsor student scholarships, and the St. George of Lalibela Foundation.
On 16 September 2010, Prince Ermias delivered remarks at a briefing entitled "Traditional Leadership in the Modern World:
Humanitarianism, Culture and the Diaspora" in the Rayburn House Office Building in Washington, D.C. This briefing was
conducted by Representative Diane Watson, who was a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and whose
congressional district in Los Angeles includes Little Ethiopia. Empaneled with visiting royalty from Cameroon and the Kingdom of
Swaziland (Princess Phindiwe Sangweni), Prince Ermias described the cultural leadership exercised by deposed and exiled royalty
among members of ethnic communities living in either ancestral lands or diaspora in the United States and the United Kingdom.
|H.I.H Prince Sahle Selassie Life Summary|
(Father of Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie)
|Prince Sahle Selassie (27 February 1932 – 24 April 1962) was the youngest child of Emperor Haile Selassie and Empress
Menen Asfaw of Ethiopia.
His full title was "His Imperial Highness, Prince Sahle Selassie Haile Selassie".
Born after his parents had been crowned Emperor and Empress of Ethiopia, he was the only one of the Emperor's children to have
been born with the title of Prince. Since his older brothers, Prince Asfa Wossen and Prince Makonnen, had both been born before
the 1930 coronation, Prince Sahle Selassie was also the first legitimate child born to a reigning Emperor since the birth of
Dejazmach Alemayehu Tewodros, son of Emperor Tewodros II.
Prince Sahle Selassie was married to Princess Mahisente Habte Mariam, the daughter of DejazmachHabte Mariam Gabre-
Igziabiher, the heir to the old Oromo kingdom of Leqa Naqamte in Welega Province, and later served as governor of Welega
province. They had a son, Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie, who currently is the President of the Crown Council of Ethiopia. The Prince
was a man of an artistic bent, who is said to have made a movie which was banned from publication by the Imperial Government
censor despite the fact the Prince was a member of the Imperial family. It was believed that the movie indirectly questioned the
fast pace of development, and the strains it caused on rural society, and was thus unflattering to the policies of the Imperial
Prince Sahle Selassie died in 1962, months after the death of his mother Empress Menen Asfaw. He was survived by his wife and
his son Prince Ermias, and was buried in the crypt of Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa.
Grand Cordon of the Order of the Seal of Solomon.
Refugee Medal (1944).
Jubilee Medal (1955).
Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim(Kingdom of Sweden, 19 December 1959).
Knight Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (Japan).
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the House of Orange (Kingdom of the Netherlands).
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany (Federal Republic of Germany).
Sash of the Order of the Aztec Eagle (United Mexican States, 1954).
Order of the Yugoslav Star, 1st class (21 July 1954).
Knight Grand Cordon of the Order of the Pioneers of Liberia (Republic of Liberia).
|Source: Tsega Tekle Haimanot ~ FB Post 03-21-2019
|Nothing is hidden from God's view!...
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